—Antonio Moreira Maués, Federal University of Pará The first year of the Bolsonaro government had poor results in the economy and was marked by a high degree of political instability. Although he managed to approve pension reform, Bolsonaro does not have a stable parliamentary base in the National Congress and has also lost a
—Alexander Hudson, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity [Editor’s note: This is one of our biweekly I-CONnect columns. For more information about our four columnists for 2020, please click here.] As the attention of many observers of law and politics is fixed on the impeachment process now underway in the United States
—Sofia Ranchordas, University of Groningen [Editor’s note: This is one of our biweekly I-CONnect columns. For more information about our four columnists for 2020, please click here. In 2020, Professor Ranchordas will blog about public law and technology, sharing some insights from her recent scholarship on digital exclusion as well as recent developments in this
–Khemthong Tonsakulrungruang, Faculty of Law, Chulalongkorn University The 2017 Constitution has only been in effect for two years but the movement to amend, or even replace it, is spawning. The campaign for a constitutional change is spearheaded mainly by the opposition party, supported by several anti-junta groups. At present, the movement is in an infant
The “Rationality of Fear” on the Edge of Brazilian Democracy: Another Shield Against Authoritarianism?
—Juliano Zaiden Benvindo, University of Brasília and National Council for Scientific and Technological Development In a period of about two months, a series of protests in South America brought the region again into the spotlight. Except for the Bolivian case, whose causes were mostly related to the presidential election process, the protests in Chile, Ecuador,
—Yaniv Roznai, Harry Radzyner Law School, Interdisciplinary Center (IDC) Herzliya * In an environment of democratic erosion, courts are under political pressure. Populist projects of constitutional change modify the rules for appointment and jurisdiction of bodies like constitutional courts in an attempt to weaken their independence, pack them and even capture them. Often, courts are
—Simon Drugda, PhD Candidate at the University of Copenhagen The Slovak Parliament recently passed a legislative rider to extend the length of the silence period, which prohibits publication of opinion polls before an election. Slovak electoral rules had previously prohibited political campaigning and the publication of opinion polls 14 days before an election taking place.
–Antonios Kouroutakis, Assistant Professor, IE University There is a paradox with the EU citizenship. While EU nationals exercise their right of free movement and their right to reside freely in any Member state of the EU, they are politically disenfranchised and lose the right to vote in the national elections of their country of origin.
—William Partlett, Melbourne Law School [Editor’s note: This is one of our biweekly I-CONnect columns. Columns, while scholarly in accordance with the tone of the blog and about the same length as a normal blog post, are a bit more “op-ed” in nature than standard posts. For more information about our four columnists for 2019,
—Neil Modi, Visiting Researcher, Georgetown University Law Center The Pakistani Supreme Court’s decision in District Bar Association, Rawalpindi v. Federation of Pakistan (2015) serves as a good illustration of an attempt of judicial self-empowerment, akin to a Marbury v. Madison-style moment. By this I mean that the strategy adopted by the court in this case