—Sofia Ranchordas, University of Groningen [Editor’s note: This is one of our biweekly I-CONnect columns. For more information about our four columnists for 2020, please click here. In 2020, Professor Ranchordas will blog about public law and technology, sharing some insights from her recent scholarship on digital exclusion as well as recent developments in this
–Khemthong Tonsakulrungruang, Faculty of Law, Chulalongkorn University The 2017 Constitution has only been in effect for two years but the movement to amend, or even replace it, is spawning. The campaign for a constitutional change is spearheaded mainly by the opposition party, supported by several anti-junta groups. At present, the movement is in an infant
—Juliano Zaiden Benvindo, University of Brasília and National Council for Scientific and Technological Development[1] In a period of about two months, a series of protests in South America brought the region again into the spotlight. Except for the Bolivian case,[2] whose causes were mostly related to the presidential election process, the protests in Chile, Ecuador,
—Yaniv Roznai, Harry Radzyner Law School, Interdisciplinary Center (IDC) Herzliya * In an environment of democratic erosion, courts are under political pressure. Populist projects of constitutional change modify the rules for appointment and jurisdiction of bodies like constitutional courts in an attempt to weaken their independence, pack them and even capture them. Often, courts are
—Simon Drugda, PhD Candidate at the University of Copenhagen The Slovak Parliament recently passed a legislative rider to extend the length of the silence period, which prohibits publication of opinion polls before an election. Slovak electoral rules had previously prohibited political campaigning and the publication of opinion polls 14 days before an election taking place.
–Antonios Kouroutakis, Assistant Professor, IE University There is a paradox with the EU citizenship. While EU nationals exercise their right of free movement and their right to reside freely in any Member state of the EU, they are politically disenfranchised and lose the right to vote in the national elections of their country of origin.
—William Partlett, Melbourne Law School [Editor’s note: This is one of our biweekly I-CONnect columns. Columns, while scholarly in accordance with the tone of the blog and about the same length as a normal blog post, are a bit more “op-ed” in nature than standard posts. For more information about our four columnists for 2019,
—Neil Modi, Visiting Researcher, Georgetown University Law Center The Pakistani Supreme Court’s decision in District Bar Association, Rawalpindi v. Federation of Pakistan (2015) serves as a good illustration of an attempt of judicial self-empowerment, akin to a Marbury v. Madison-style moment.[1] By this I mean that the strategy adopted by the court in this case
—Dian A H Shah, National University Singapore Faculty of Law [Editor’s note: This is one of our biweekly I-CONnect columns. Columns, while scholarly in accordance with the tone of the blog and about the same length as a normal blog post, are a bit more “op-ed” in nature than standard posts. For more information about
Special Series: Perspectives from Undergraduate Law StudentsLL.B. Student Contribution –Manisha Bhau, B.A., LL.B Student (Hons.), National Law University, Delhi Despite reports that the numbers have nearly halved, India is still home to about 364 million people leading lives without access to basic healthcare, nutrition and sanitation. There are a multitude of reasons behind India’s rampant
Welcome to I·CONnect: the blog of the International Journal of Constitutional Law.
A letter from the Editor-in-Chief of I·CON
Welcome message from Tom Ginsburg
Editorial Director, I·CON: J. H. H. Weiler
Editors, I·CONnect: Richard Albert,
Tom Ginsburg and David Landau
EJIL: Talk!
